Monday, March 31, 2008

Suasana Politik Melayu Yang Bertambah Gelora

Semalam hari Ahad, Mac 30hb, Tun Dr Mahathir dalam merasmikan Mesyuarat Agong Persatuan Melayu Tanjong di sebuah Hotel di Georgetown, Penang menyatakan, "Pak Lah tidak malu kerana enggan berundur walaupun telah kalah di 5+1+2 negeri”.

Pada hari sebelum itu, beliau menyatakan sistem kuota, yang beliau perkenalkan dahului, harus dihapuskan. Saranan itu menerima pelbagai sambutan dari ahli-ahli Majlis Tertinggi. Ada setuju dan ada tidak setuju. Sabah tidak peduli melainkan hanya mahu lebih Menteri. Sarawak tunggu menuntut.

Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib yang nyawa politiknya baru diberi sambungan oksijen oleh Pak lah menentang penghapusan tersebut. Kalau ikut Mat Taib, Dolah Badawi itu Pemimpin agung seantero alam. Kipas Mat, kipas.


Esok hari Selasa April 1hb, dan ini bukan gurauan April Fool, portal MyKMU akan mengadakan Forum bertajuk "UMNO PASCA PILIHAN RAYA UMUM KE 12: SATU PENILAIAN" pada jam 9.00 pagi - 12.30 tengahari di Hotel Singgahsana Petaling Jaya, Selangor.

Ucaptama adalah Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad. Ahli-ahli panel forum adalah Exco Pemuda UMNO Malaysia, Datuk Mukhriz Tun Mahathir, Ahli Majlis Tertinggi UMNO, Datuk Seri Dr. Mohamad Khir bin Toyo, dan Ketua Penerangan UMNO Johor, YB. Dr. Mohamad Fuad Zarkashi. Moderator forum ini ialah Datuk Ahmad A. Talib

Sementara itu, hai ... bagaikan tidak belajar-belajar lagi dan masih dalam mode tidak boleh menerima kenyataan, Ketua Penerangan UMNO yang perlu belajar bahasa Inggeris,
perlu belajar bahasa Melayu. Mengapa? Isi Perlembagaan UMNO menggunakan bahasa Melayu dan jelas beliau tidak memahaminya. Mat Taib memberi amaran kepada semua Ketua Bahagian Negeri Selangor supaya tidak menghadhiri.

Saya teringat kata-kata Bekas Timbalan Presiden MIC, Dato S Subramaniam sebelum hari pemilihan jawatan timbalan Presiden MIC yang berakhir dengan kekalahannya. Kata beliau, "Walaupun langit akan hilang, achimilai achimilai achimilai (Jangan takut, jangan takut, jangan takut)."

Datang dan dengarlah, walaupun dewan sudah penuh. Ada siar langsung di lobi.

Pada Khamis April 4hb, satu perjumpaan besar-besaran Mesyuarat Agong Luar Biasa (EGM) UMNO Bahagian Gua Musang akan diadakan. Dengarnya ramai Ketua-Ketua Bahagian yang akan datang. Desas desus berkata Tengku Razaleigh sudah cukup untuk mendapatkan pencalunan bagi bertanding jawatan Presiden UMNO.

Sejurus selepas keputusan pilihanraya yang menghampakan BN, Tengku Razaleigh menuntut diadakan EGM untuk membincangkan masaalah prestasi UMNO. Tidak lama kemudian, beliau cup untuk bertanding jawatan Presiden menentang Abdullah Badawi. Maknanya, yang kena oo som jawatan yang lain.

Terdapat usaha untuk melambatkan pemilihan ke tahun hadapan tetapi selepas empat jam mesyuarat MKT yang dikatakan hangat, cadangan Mat Taib ditolak. Hangatnya mesyuarat hingga keluar kata-kata kesat. Rasanya Mat Taib ini akan menyuarakan pandangan yang akan ditolak sahaja.

Kata-kata yang paling tidak digemari terkeluar kata-kata hanya kerja "naik kuda, turun kuda". Demi menyokong Pak Lah, sanggup disebut "biar Pak Lah kekal daripada dikekalkan ..." Maaf saya tidak mahu sebut kerana salah di bawah undang-undang hasutan. Saya pun tidak setuju dengan kata-kata derhaka Dato Azalina Md Said, walaupun saya bukan boleh digolong sebagai berideologi "royalist".

Hari ini, Tengku Razaleigh mempertingkatkan suaranya dengan menyatakan sesuatu kenyataan yang ramai tidak berani sebut. "Melayu sudah hilang kuasa!"

Inilah realitinya hari ini. Malangnya, UMNO masih tidak mahu menerima kenyataan. Ramai apolegis yang masih dibuai illusi pemimpin yang mereka sembah lima waktu sehari itu hebat dalam Siddeq, Amanah, Tabligh dan Fatanah. Sebenarnya pemimpin yang ada ini tidak ada keupayaan untuk membaiki keadaan. Berhentikan mengharap-harap yang sudah tiada, bangunlah!

Atas realiti kehilangan kuasa itu, maka Gapena akan menganjurkan suatu Kongres Muafakat Melayu di Johor Baru pada 2-3 Mei 2008. Sebelum anda mencemik Melayu sebagai tidak habis-habis berseminar, berforum dan berkursus, sila baca pengumummannya di Mingguan Malaysia semalam.

Diakhir acara, sudah diatur perarakkan ke Istana Sultan Johor. Saya menyedari sesuatu anih mengenai jemputan-jemputan dan pembicara-pembicara. Rasa ijab hati berkata ada sesuatu yang besar mesejnya yang akan disampaikan. Saya belum mahu menyebut kerana tidak mahu merosakkan usaha penganjur.
Buat pengakir kata, demi alif ba dan ta, "Achimilai! Achimilai! Achimilai! Ahli-ahli UMNO sudah perlu berteriak pula, Makkal Sakti.

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Yo Shabery! Not this same ole shit!

Pak Lah and Shabbery did not received Cabinet approval to engage Bloggers


Now it is the same ole shit from someone having trouble realising he is no more MOI. Husin Lempoyang, the increasingly popular shoot-all-around political satire blogger, described Zam as Pencemar Anugerah Rahim Kajai that is in a state of perpetual denial getting pumped.

The Star
Monday March 31, 2008

Zam: Dr M to blame, too

KUALA LUMPUR: Former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad must shoulder some of the blame for Barisan Nasional's worst-ever performance in the recent general election, says former Information Minister Datuk Seri Zainuddin Maidin.
Dr Mahathir’s various accusations swayed the people to vote against Barisan, he said.
“Laying all blame on Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi for Barisan’s losses is not right because it is clear that Dr Mahathir is full of anger and uncontrolled vengeance,” said Zainuddin.
“Maybe he was not aware or maybe he purposely did not want to be aware that his credibility as a former leader is still strong and that his influence on the grassroots, both Malay and non-Malays, is significant.”
“His credibility influenced people into believing what he said and he also lent this credibility to bloggers and websites,” he said when met at his house here yesterday.
Zainuddin said there were three statements in particular that affected Umno’s and Malaysians’ confidence in the leadership in the run-up to the elections.
“The first was when he said he regretted appointing Abdullah as the Prime Minister.
“This was then followed up by Dr Mahathir saying that Abdullah was only meant to be a one-term Prime Minister and that more opposition was needed in Parliament.”
Zainuddin added that the third and most damning statement that was widely accepted by all segments of society was about the role Deputy Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin and his advisers played in the country’s politics and economy.
“This even caused Gerakan adviser Tan Sri Lim Keng Yaik to ask Abdullah to get rid of his advisers,” he said.
Zainuddin said he was merely telling the truth when he said thatDr Mahathir could not deny he had played a role in Barisan’s dismal poll results.
“This is not to say that other factors do not count, but Dr Mahathir cannot absolve himself from this.
“There have been many opinions in the aftermath of the election but Dr Mahathir being a factor was not really mentioned, “ he added.

... and two letters published in the ... newspaper of the "Muslim Priest and Hindu God" to salvage the "Three's-a-family" Government.

Here is one ...

Use of Internet: Unfair Blogging

By Ahmad Zazli Hamid, Ampang, Selangor

I REFER to your report "Raja Petra ordered to pay RM4m in damages" (NST, March 27).
I agree with the judgment of the Alor Star High Court which ordered Raja Petra Raja Kamarudin to pay RM2 million in general damages to Universiti Utara Malaysia vice-chancellor Tan Sri Dr Nordin Kardi and RM2 million to the university over an article which he posted on his Malaysia Today website two years ago.
This should be a lesson to all bloggers that they cannot write or post articles on their website without considering the implications of their act.
I think other people affected by unfair blogging should consider taking similar action against bloggers.
... and another below:

Spreading Rumours

By BULBIR SINGH, Seremban

MALAYSIANS must be more responsible in their use of alternative media like the Internet and blogs, which can be turned into gossip machines to spread unsavoury stories about everything and everybody.
This is becoming an unhealthy practice among the younger generation.
They give vent to their frustrations by posting rude and vulgar comments on blogs.
Some of the things being discussed have no factual basis and are spread as though they are the truth.
The danger is that people believe them and form judgments based on untruths and half-truths.
If this practice persists, it threatens to turn Malaysians into a nation of rumour-mongers.
I can smell desperation is in the air!

Sing to the tune of "London Bridge" people ...

"Pak Lah is going down, going down, going down.
Pak Lah is going down, going down, going down.
My dear Jeannie ...."
This is no way to save UMNO la ... idiot!

Click Here to Read More..

Sunday, March 30, 2008

Shabery, WTF Blogger Engagement is This?

When the new Minister of Information, Dato Ahmad Shabery Cheek first expressed intention to engage the Bloggers about more than a week ago, I am one of the first few who gave a welcoming comment in Rocky Bru’s blog to this positive attitude towards bloggers by some Government official.

I appreciated the PM’s humble admittance that the government ignored Bloggers at their peril. Hopefully he understood that bloggers are citizen journalist or citizens expressing freely their opinions, thoughts and comments.

Alas, two days later the Alor Star court passed a judgement to award RM7 million to Tan Sri Dr Nordin Kardi on an article by Raja Petra Kamaruddin claiming Dr Nordin committed plagiarism. I am not about to dispute the court’s decision made in default but with the recent exposure as in the images below, Nordin Kardi actually plagariased a UIA student article as his own for the Islam Hadhari website!



Isn’t it now a cause of embarassment to the Government?

Now it is hardly a few days since the court judgement, yet we have Datuk Seri Khaled Nordin making the ignoramous comment below claiming to the effect that the Government’s and Pak Lah UMNO faction of “cybertrooper” was denied access to reply.

Mac 30hb, 2008
Berita Minggu



Laman Blog sekat maklumat sahih

Oleh Khirul Bahri Basaruddin

JOHOR BARU: MENTERI Pengajian Tinggi, Datuk Seri Nordin Mohamed Khalid Nordin membidas pengendali laman blog di negara ini kerana menyekat pengaliran maklumat sahih dan tepat yang ingin disalurkan kerajaan bagi menjawab semua tomahan disiarkan dalam blog mereka.

Sehubungan itu, beliau menabar pengendali laman blog supaya berani memberi ruang yang sama kepada pelawat mereka dan kerajaan untuk membuat ulasan bahan atau laporan yang disiarkan dalam blog.

“Saya ingin cabar pengendali laman blog supaya berani semuka untuk menegakkan kebenaran dan bukannya hanya menyiarkan ulasan atau komen sebelah pihak. Kita sudah cuba menghantar ulasan isu tertentu, tetapi bila kit amasuk laman blog berkenaan, kita lihat jawapan yang kita hantar mereka tidak siarkan.

“Sebaliknya, mereka hanya menyiarkan komen yang mengutuk serta memfitnah kerajaan sehingga perkara yang tidak benar jika disiarkan berkali=kali dalam tempoh yang agak lama akan mempengaruhi pembaca terutama golongan muda.”
Beliau berkata demikian kepada pemberita selepas merasmikan Mesyuarat Agung Persatuan Ibu Bapa Guru (PIBG) Sekolah Menengah Kebangsaan (SMK) Johor Jaya 1, di sini semalam ….

Before I counter his comment, I must say he has been honourably consistent with the stand that people should not be listening to rumours. Unfortunately that stand was made in defense of Khairy Jamaluddin (Refer to the Utusan Malaysia August 7th, 2006). In a cryptic way, it could be him trying to dispell rumours he kissed Khairy's hand or perhaps gave a low respectful nod to Khairy in a public event. Worse still, I persistent suspect of corruption from

In politics, where perception is more real than official statements, defend or dissociate yourself, Khaled! Otherwise, the stigma of being associated with Khairy and perceived benefit from it will cause the lost of your MKT seat.

My immediately response is blogs and websites of Pak Lah's faction and Government has been most guilty of blocking comments. KPMU and the defunct Macai.net totally blocked comments upon being criticised by commentators. Look at SoPo Sentral blog to identify the type of blogs and portals that refuse comments and you'll will understand what I mean.

If he is serious about Government trying to get their comments through to explain their side of the story, tell me why did the BN Backbenchers Club website closed its Forum section at one time? I am not sure if its reopened again but its obvious they did not make any attempt to answer critical comments made against them by their own BN supporters.

Forum MyKMU, an UMNO supporter portal that is not with Pak Lah's faction is free and open to anyone to register and chat, even for Opposition.

I can confidently say that only a minute minority websites and blogs disallow comments and almost all appreciate comments, even that of opposing views as long it is not rude, obnoxious and revolting. The problem with the Pak Lah faction "cybertroopers" are that they are cybervandalist indulging in childish immature acts.

Since Zaid Ibrahim got reprimanded for making statement on judicial apology without consulting the Cabinet first (which I agree), did Shabery Cheek and Pak Lah received Cabinet approval to engage Bloggers? Or this is what they understand by engaging Bloggers?

However, I am happy that Dato Seri Dr Khir Toyo has started and Dato Lim Kheng Yaik is considering serious blogging?

That’s for now. Bloggers, fire away!

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Saturday, March 29, 2008

The Earth Hour Global Campaign



This SMS from Star SMS Alert service reads as follows:

29/3 The Earth Hour Global Campaign for climate change kicks off worldwide tonight; in Malaysia, the designated time for lights off is 8-9 pm/STAR


So readers, lets just join hands and find something to do in the dark for one hour tonight.

Remember 8:00 - 9:00 PM tonight!

Click Here to Read More..

Friday, March 28, 2008

Why Pak Lah Has To Be Removed Immediately?

There has been many apologist of late trying to sustain Abdullah Ahmad Badawi despite being a person who has disastrously failed as leader and Prime Minister. Then, there are those who wish to see him remain for their own selfish reasons to perpetuate their own candidate in UMNO or to further the casue of their political party or indulgence in their own ideology or worldview.

There should be no room to look at other than foremost the cause of the nation. For the sake of nation, Pak Lah has to go and he has to go now. Not later, not December but now. Unless, we do so, we are doomed!
I am not too hopeful, but I sure hope the article below could reach, translated and be understoood by relevant UMNO members, officebearers, and public office holders to act on further:

Barisan Nasional is finished,
If Pak Lah is not replaced by end April 2008



by Matthias Chang
March 28, 2008 Malaysia Today

I just could not believe my eyes, when I read in the New Strait Times newspaper, business section – Business Times – that Bank Negara projects 5.6 pc growth this year. Bank Negara Governor, Tan Sri Dr. Zeti Akhtar Aziz was quoted as saying:

“We have done several simulations of different packages which can be implemented in the event of any significant slowdown, which we do not see on the horizon at this point in time.”
I am sure that the “simulations” were all done and tested prior to the 12th General Elections of March 8, 2008. So they are no longer valid as they failed to take into account the post-election reality.

Bank Negara must be wearing blinkers or under directions from Pak Lah and his spin-doctors to spin a story that all is well and good. The observation that no significant slowdown can be seen on the horizon at this point of time can be tested by reviewing some independent observations.

Spiegel reported on Wednesday, March 26, 2008 that:

“Germany and other industrialised countries are desperately trying to brace themselves against the threat of a collapse of the global financial system. The crisis has now taken its toll on the German economy, where the weak dollar is putting jobs in jeopardy and the credit crunch is paralyzing many businesses.”
Why is the Governor of Bank Negara playing down this acknowledged global financial meltdown – the financial tsunami? Is there a conspiracy of silence among the world’s central bankers?

Spiegel has let the cat out of the bag when it reported further that:

“For some time, there has been a tacit agreement among central bankers and the financial ministers of key economies not to allow any bank large enough to jeopardise the system to go under – no matter what the cost. But on Sunday, the question arose whether this agreement should be formalised and made public. The central bankers decided against the idea, reasoning that it would practically be an invitation to speculators and large hedge funds to take advantage of this government guarantee. Everyone involved knows how explosive the agreement is. It essentially means that while the profits of banks are privatised, society bears the costs of their losses. In a world in which the rich are getting richer and the poor poorer, that is political dynamite.”
There you have it - the global conspiracy of silence by central bankers and finance ministers. Yet, it is I that has been accused of being a conspiracy theorist.

The Malaysian Ticking Time Bomb

Besides the impending global financial tsunami hitting our shores in the very near future, Malaysia is waiting for a ticking time bomb to explode that will leave our country totally defenceless.

No one has even given a thought to this time bomb. What is this time bomb? It is the total dislocation and disruption of the entire 9th Malaysian Plan.

How can this be? Simple! The informal Barisan Rakyat has captured four critical states, more precisely the four critical economic states of Penang, Perak, Selangor and Kedah (part of the rice bowl of Malaysia) and retained Kelantan. There used to be a MIMALAND (Mini Malaysia) in Gombak. But that was a mere tourist attraction. These five states is the real deal, the Real Mini Malaysia, without which the BN government is useless, a toothless tiger.

The 9th Malaysia Plan (and all previous Five Year Plans) envisages that a substantial portion of the RM200 billion budget spread over five years will be allocated to the “state economic engines” of the Malaysian economy, namely Selangor and Penang – the crown jewels. When combined with Perak and Kedah, these states provide the crucial infrastructure, human resources and more importantly the critical mass for the massive investments needed to prepare the economy to meet the impending threat of the global tsunami and at the minimum, to enable the country to float just above the water till the tsunami rolls back to deeper waters.

Just a few days ago, Pak Lah acknowledged this stark reality and conceded that some of the mega-projects will have to be scaled back. Pak Lah and the corrupt and greedy politicians of the Barisan Nasional cannot bear the thought that they will not be in control of these massive investments in the states of Selangor, Perak, Penang and Kedah.

The 9th Malaysian Plan cannot be implemented successfully without the close cooperation between the central Federal Authority and the state counter-parts. This is a given; the BN state partners-in-crime to loot the national treasury is absent. Pak Lah and his family have the money but the same cannot be diverted to the coffers of cronies at the state level, when they are no longer in power and have no control of the state governments.

The nightmare for the Barisan Nasional is not that they lost their 2/3 majority in Parliament and the massive reduction in the popular votes, but that they can no longer enrich themselves as before.

The whole system of patronage that confers absolute power to the President of UMNO and Prime Minister has been rendered ineffective and the rewards for a subservient power hierarchy cannot be guaranteed. Pak Lah and his goons will no longer be able to wield the threat that should the leaders of the political multi-level organisation fail to toe the line, the gravy train will not stop at their stations. The gravy train stations are now in control of Barisan Rakyat!

So long as Pak Lah and his family are control of the levers of power and the treasury, the economy will be in a gridlock and the entire system will come to a standstill. Checkmate! There are enough reasons to remove Pak Lah as demanded by the electorate in the just concluded elections. But the nail that hammers in the lid of the coffin is the consequences of this stark economic reality.

The Prime Minister who replaces Pak Lah must be one who is without controversy, baggage and more importantly must be acceptable to the leaders of the Barisan Rakyat. This will provide the minimum basis for cooperation between the two “Barisans”. And such a leader will then be able to reform the present system and save the economy from dislocation and disruption and the unimaginable consequences that will assuredly flow from the present gridlock.

Time is against us

Pak Lah must be removed when Parliament convenes, if the Barisan Nasional Members of Parliament have the interest of the country at heart and not their warped interest for power and self-enrichment.

No one to date has the guts and the convictions to take on Pak Lah and his goons except Tengku Razaleigh. He has offered to serve the country. He should be given a chance. (Until such that others dare to come forward, no one else have shown yet the brevity to come forward.)

Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad has also called for Pak Lah’s removal. Members of Barisan Nasional must heed their call to remove Pak Lah. The nation must ensure that the momentum generated by the results of the General Election must gather speed and force to sweep away the political debris of Pak Lah, his family and his goons!

And God help us and Malaysia should we fail!

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It Never Was A Constitutional Crisis, You Lose Abdullah!

Remember this frontpage news above? Who wouldn't? Within days, it has become a famous last word that when expressed, it was delivered with such prime ministerial brouhaha. Subsequently, he said with gusto that dispute with the Terengganu Sultan, his second palatial dispute after the General Election, could end up into a constitutional crisis.

Huh! Another attempt to copy-cat Dr Mahathir. What now? Get Kalimullah and Annuar Zaini to spin the history books on the two constitutional crisis during Mahathir's time and turn this bravado into a bigger costitutional crisis?

Tengku Razaleigh responded to tell that it is administrative and not constitutional in nature. Another typical problem of Abdullah being presumptous and missing the fine print.

A friend had intercept an SMS from the Forth Floor boys and forwarded to me. It clearly demonstrated how the wet-behind-their-ears are Pak Lah's advisers. It reads as below:

“I am deeply saddened today that our Constitution was usurped by a monarch who believes in he has absolute discretion, when it is our Constitution that is the supreme law of the land. PM made the right decision to agree to Ahmad Said as MB simply because he didn’t want to lose Terengganu. Had he asked for the matter to be taken to special court, the monarch would have dissolved the assembly and we risk having a state election, with the Terengganu people’s sentiments supporting their Ruler without any care for the law. Politically PM had no choice but what the monarch did today has set a dangerous precedent which means Malaysia is no more a Constitutional Monarchy but is sliding towards absolute monarchy, where the will of the people is subverted the desires of the Rulers. Ampun rakyatku.
Oh, those poor geniuses.

Lets hear what Dr Mahathir had written on The Sun today, March 29th below to educate those bogus geniuses:

Role of Rulers in picking Menteri Besar

A Concerned Malaysian has expressed his worry over the role being played by Sultans in the appointment of the Menteri Besar. His Royal Highnesses have clearly refused to take the advice of the Chief Minister i.e. the Prime Minister. Instead they have chosen on their own a member of the state legislature to head the Government.

We hear a lot of opinions on the propriety of the action by the Sultan. Some say he has the right to do this while others point out that as a constitutional ruler he could not do this.

The Constitution says that the Ruler or Head of State must choose the elected member who enjoys the support of the majority of members in the legislative body to be the Prime Minister or the Menteri Besar. Subject to this provision the Ruler it is who chooses and appoints the Prime Minister or Menteri Besar.

The Prime Minister, as Prime Minister has no role in the choice of the State Menteri Besar or Ketua Menteri. His naming of candidate who should be the Menteri Besar is purely a party matter. Obviously if the State is captured by the Opposition Party he cannot name the candidate.

However if the Ruler chooses someone who does not enjoy majority support he could be deposed at a sitting of the legislative body through a vote of “no confidence”.

After that another member can be appointed by the Ruler to take his place. But if for some reason there is no other candidate or the candidate with majority support is considered unsuitable by the Ruler, a new Government cannot be formed. The Ruler may then dissolve the legislative body and a new election may be held.

This new election may lead to the same impasse. The Ruler may not like the member with majority support.

However, it should be noted that this kind of thing had never happened during the premiership of the four previous Prime Ministers. Concerned Malaysians should wonder why.

Is it just that the particular Ruler is being difficult, unwilling to accept the principles of democracy, wanting to return to feudalism and the absolute authority of the monarch?

I do not think so. There must be a reason why the Ruler refuses to accept the candidate named by the party. But the Ruler chooses not to reveal the reasons and indulge in public debates. He merely expresses his displeasure by refusing to do what normally the Rulers would do. Concerned Malaysians must ask what has the particular candidate done which is so wrong that it incurs the displeasure of the Ruler.

There are lots of talks in the town. Terengganu is blessed with petroleum deposits. It should get 5% of the total earning from oil production. The Federal Government; fearing the previous PAS Government might use this money wrongly had withheld payment.

But when the Barisan Nasional regained Terengganu the money, now called “Wang Ehsan”, was lavishly spent by the Federal Government on Terengganu. It is not a small sum. Over these years “Wang Ehsan” totaled several billions.

We know that since the Barisan Nasional regained Terengganu in 2004 all kinds of projects have been developed in Terengganu. This include The Monsoon Cup, luxury housing for sale to foreigners, Crystal Mosque and theme park, university etc etc. Some of these projects are very good but many are totally unnecessary and wasteful.

But what the Terengganu people are saying is that all these mega projects costing billions of Ringgit have been contracted out to people outside Terengganu. Terengganu contractors got practically nothing.

But additionally they say the contracts all went to one person and they are suspicious that behind this person are members of the first family. The rumors also say that the previous Menteri Besar was responsible for these things happening and of course they think that he might have benefite financially. The rumors went on to say that the Prime Minister might have influenced the Menteri Besar into doing wrong things.
These are all rumors. It will be quite impossible to prove anything as the perpetrators are skilled in hiding themselves.

This is not good for a Government keen to abolish corruption and be transparent. To clear its name an investigation should be made.

But the public is leery of investigations by Government agencies and departments. Even Royal Commissions are not highly regarded. The people believe, not true of course, that the Government has been interfering with the work of the Anti-Corruption Agency, the Police and the Attorney General’s Chambers. The say this is borne out by the results of investigations by these agencies.

When a Deputy Minister was accused of accepting money for the release of a detainee, the Attorney General said there was no case because the detainee said he did not give any money to the Deputy Minister. It is so easy. If you have a case involving someone all the enforcement agencies need to do is to ask him whether he was involved. If he says “no” than there is no case.

For some reason judges are finding that people accused of murder are not guilty because of insufficient evidence by the police. Yet people who are totally not involved in a case, who were not accused of any misdeeds and who did not appear in court at all and been given a hearing are found guilty and publicly condemned.

The public cannot be blamed for not having faith in Government agencies doing investigations. The public cannot be blamed for suspecting cover-ups by the Government or worse still the Government may be using these enforcement agencies to threaten people.

To clear its good name the Government should get credible foreign agencies to do the investigations. Of course they must be given full access to the documents etc.

Now my detractors are going to say I did worse things when I was Prime Minister. Well if that is so let us have the foreign agencies investigate me also. I am aware that people are looking into possible misdeeds by me during my 22 years so as to threaten me and ask me to shut up. So far they have not found anything.

Not only have I not taken anything that was not due to me while I was Prime Minister but I have given back to the Government and the people everything that I had received as gifts during my tenure of office. The Government had offered me land in Kedah and Langkawi and I had refused to accept. I have a 5-acre piece of land in Putrajaya which I paid for even though the Government was offering it to me free.

Unless there is a frame-up I think there should be nothing to pin on me. Even other accusations against me including the dismissal of judges were not my doing and I do not feel obliged to apologise. Ask the Tribunal to apologise.

The person asking that the Government should apologise for what happened to Tun Salleh Abbas may have forgotten that as President of the Muslim Lawyers Association, he fully supported the action that was taken. He castigated the Bar Council for condemning Tun Hamid Omar over the dismissal of judges. Now he wants to be more correct than correct.

I wonder why.

Dr Mahathir bin Mohamad
In his meeting with the Agong, Abdullah was asked about the status of the Wang Ehsan. Now Idris Jusoh is hoping to get attendance to seek foregiveness. He will have to answer and his got his face to save. Otherwise, lets not discount the possibility of having his Datokship stripped in disgrace.

This is a lesson for future leaders. Abdullah lost becasue he was did not acknowledge the Gelombang Kuning march on November 11th, 2007. It is not just a Bersih march but forgotten what the colour yellow signify.

He didn't get proper advise and over relied on inexperianced boys. Now, do they look like real novice.

Why should Abdullah continue to maintain these boys. If he wants to save himself from further onslaught or the least bring some saving grace, he'd better clear off these boys from the Jabatan Perdana Menteri, Khazanah Nasional and GLC offices.

Bring in real men with substance. Better still, we need a Prime Minister of substance.

While BN lost 5 + 1 states, Abdullah lost 5 + 1 + 2 states. Remove Sarawak and Perlis is just a district, how many state does he control? Why fear him any more?

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Thursday, March 27, 2008

MAS Hina Sultan Pahang


Baru sahaja sikap derhaka Perdana Menteri, bekas Menteri Besar Terengganu dan ahli-ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri terhadap DYMM Seri Paduka Baginda Yang Dipertuan Agong dan Pemangku Sultan Terengganu reda. Satu lagi insiden biadap dan menghina terhadap Raja-Raja Melayu oleh Malaysian Airlines kini menjadi buah mulut ramai.

Pada Mac 16hb, 2008, dalam seminggu selepas Pilihanraya Umum, DYMM Sultan Pahang sepatutnya berangkat ke London di dalam pesawat MAS. Tuanku Sultan Pahang merupakan satu-satunya Sultan yang menyokong MAS dan hanya menaiki perkhidmatan penerbangan MAS.

Mengikut lazimnya, Baginda akan menaiki bahagian Kelas Pertama dan ahli-ahli rombongannya akan berada di bahagian lain. Pada malam itu, seebaik saja Baginda Sultan menaiki pesawat dan selesa duduk, Baginda menyampaikan hajat kepada Kapten dan International Flight Steward (IFS) untuk berjumpa dengan doktor peribadinya yang berada di bahagian lain kapalterbang.

Permintaan Baginda ditolak. Setelah dipinta lagi, kedua-dua Kapten dan Steward bukan Melayu masih berkeras enggan membenarkan. Mengikut sumber dalaman MAS, baginda yang terkejut dengan keengganan mereka telah mengadu kepada ahli rombongan yang berdekatan. Seorang Ketua Polis telah masuk ke pesawat dan memujuk Kapten dan Steward tersebut. Mereka tetap berdegil tidak membenarkan doktor peribadi ke hadapan bertemu Tuanku.

Baginda Tuanku yang berasa kecil hati dengan sikap pegawai-pegawai tersebut mengambil keputusan untuk tidak menaiki pesawat MAS. Baginda dan rombongannya terpaksa menaiki pesawat yang diberi oleh Air Asia untuk ke Singapura dan menaiki Singapore Airline untuk ke destinasi London.

Gambar Baginda Sultan di satu Majlis

Peristiwa ini menunjukkan betapa teruk menurun sekali kualiti perkhidmatan MAS di bawah pentadbiran Dato Idris Jala. Suatu masa dahulu, MAS terkenal dengan mutu perkhidmatan dan kecekapan anak-anak kapal dalam melayani pelanggan.

Sekiranya begini layanan dan penghargaan yang diberikan kepada Sultan Pahang, bayangkan layanan MAS kepada rakyat marhaen yang menggunakan perkhidmatan MAS. Padahal pegawai-pegawai tinggi MAS, termasuk Idris Jala sendiri, diberi penghormatan anugerah dan pangkat oleh DYMM Sultan Pahang.

Dato Idris Jala telah diberi penuh kepercayaan oleh PM Dato Seri Abdullah Badawi untuk memulihkan MAS. Mengapakah boleh berlaku insiden sedemikian?

Di bawah pentadbiran Dato Idris Jala, suatu polisi diskrimanasi yang tersirat telah dibudayakan terhadap pekerja-pekerja dan pengurus-pengurus Melayu. Ia sering berlaku melibatkan pengurus-pengurus atasan bukan Melayu yang dibawa masuk terhadap pengurus-pengurus dan pekerja-pekerja lama Melayu.

Padahal suatu masa dahulu budaya kerja di MAS begitu muhibbah dan bebas dari diskriminasi perkauman. Walaupun peratusan orang Melayu agak tinggi, semua kaum mendapat peluang yang sama untuk naik pangkat. Diskriminasi kini sudah begitu terang-terang berlaku hingga pekerja-pekerja lama MAS dari kaum bukan Melayu tidak selesa dan tidak setujui dengan amalan diskriminasi sedemikian.

Sebagai petunjuk (indicator), pasukan baikpulih (turnaround team) Idris Jala yang seramai lebih kurang 10 orang adalah terdiri dari pengurus-pengurus dari luar, baru dalam industri penerbangan, dan bukan Melayu, melainkan hanya seorang pengurus Melayu dan staf lama MAS. Majoriti pengurus luar dan pengurus atasan yang dibawa Idris Jala adalah dari kaum bukan Melayu. Bukankah ini pelik memandangkan orang Melayu jauh lebih ramai dan lama terlibat di dalam Industeri Aeroangkasa tempatan?

Adakah sikap diskriminasi telah dibisik-bisikkan dan menjadi-jadi hingga terbawa-bawa kepada pelanggan Melayu dan Raja-Raja Melayu pun tidak dihormati?

Mungkinkah pula sikap pucuk kepemimpinan UMNO yang sudah tidak menghormati hingga derhaka kepada Raja-Raja Melayu dari akhir tahun lepas hingga selepas Pilihanraya Umum telah menular ke rakyat biasa?


Dalam bahasa pasar, adakah sejak Tun Musa Hitam mengumumkan DEB tidak perlu diamalkan di WPI, rakyat bukan Melayu sudah "besar kepala" untuk berbalas dendam? Bukankah DEB itu untuk menyatukan rakyat melalui program ekonomi, pendidikkan, sosial, dan bahasa?

Hanya boleh difikirkan adalah ikan mula busuk dari kepala.

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Wednesday, March 26, 2008

Kini Masa Untuk Menunaikan Janji

Jemaah exco negeri Selangor sudah selesai mengangkat sumpah di hadapan DYMM Sultan Sharifuddin semalam. Dengan ini, bermulalah kerja kerajaan baru negeri Selangor. Kerajaan baru yang dipilih rakyat melalui proses demokrasi.

Berakhirlah pelbagai isu-isu yang timbul mengenai komposisi bangsa, pengecualian nama tertentu dan ketiadaan jawatan Timbalan Menteri Besar. Formula ini diterima oleh pihak istana dan parti-parti komponen - PKR, DAP dan PAS. Sampai masa untuk memenuhi manifesto dan janji-janji mereka.

Lazimnya selama hampir 50 tahun, Barisan Nasional mengeluarkan Manifesto dan janji-janji dan pihak parti lawan akan memantau janji-janji ini. Mana-mana janji yang tidak ditunai atau tidak mencapai kepuasan pihak lawan akan ditimbulkan sebagai isu politik. Kerajaan baru, yang mana nama pasukan masih samar-samar antara Barisan Alternatif atau Barisan Rakyat atau Perpaduan Ummah, harus diperingati akan janji-janji yang telah ditawarkan.

Sebagai pihak pembangkang di Dewan Undangan Negeri Selangor, Barisan Nasional bertanggungjawab untuk memantau janji-janji yang telah dibuat pihak lawannya. Jika tidak ditimbulkan oleh Barisan Nasional, ia bakal dituntut oleh rakyat kelak. Di zaman siber, apa yang dikata akan kekal diingati selama-lama adanya portal dan blog yang mengarkibkan janji-janji tersebut di dalam pengkalan maklumat.

Samada rakyat sedari atau tidak akan janji-janji mereka, kerajaan baru yang telah diberi mandat oleh rakyat harus diberi peluang untuk melaksanakan janji-janji mereka. Tidak ada masaaah juga untuk memberi mereka masa beberapa bulan untuk merancang. Namun janji-janji mereka untuk negeri Selangor tetap janji yang harus dikota dan rakyat menjadi penentu. Manifesto mereka adalah berikut:

Sosial dan Kebajikan Rakyat
  • Membuka tabung permulaan RM100 bagi setiap anak kelahiran Selangor.
  • Memberi bantuan RM75 sebulan bagi setiap anak yang dihantar ke nurseri.
  • Memberi bantuan RM50 sebulan seorang bagi pendidikan pra-sekolah.
  • Memberi hadiah RM1000 kepada setiap anak Selangor yang mendapat tawaran ke Universiti.
  • Memberi bantuan dan biasiswa pelajaran untuk anak Selangor.
  • Memberi bantuan kepada anak-anak muda untuk mendirikan rumahtangga.
  • Membuka Pusat Sukan Mini dan Rekreasi bagi belia.
  • Mencarum takaful bernilai RM2,500 untuk warga emas, orang kurang upaya dan anak yatim.
  • Memberi elaun ibu tunggal yang layak.
  • Memberi elaun khas suri rumah yang memilih untuk menjaga sepenuh masa anak-anak kecil mereka.
  • Membantu setiap rakyat Selangor untuk mendapatkan kediaman sendiri.
  • Mewujudkan institusi menyelaraskan hal ehwal agama selain Islam.
Kesihatan Rakyat
  • Memberi wanita bekerja 90 hari cuti bersalin.
  • Memberi 14 hari cuti kepada suami yang isterinya bersalin.
  • Memberi sebulan cuti kepada wanita yang kematian suami.
  • Menyediakan perubatan percuma untuk warga 65 tahun ke atas.
Ekonomi rakyat
  • Menyediakan premis perniagaan yang cukup.
  • Memberi bimbingan perniagaan kepada golongan belia dan wanita muda.
  • Memberi galakan kepada belia dan wanita muda berniaga dengan sewa minima atau hanya perlu membayar air dan elektrik untuk dua tahun pertama.
  • Mengurangkan cukai pintu rumah kediaman sebanyak 20 peratus dan cukai premis komersial sebanyak 10 peratus.
  • Memberi bekalan air kegunaan domestik secara percuma bagi 20 meter padu pertama setiap bulan.
  • Menjalankan program bagi membolehkan rakyat miskin terutama petani dan nelayan mendapatkan pendapatan yang lebih tinggi di atas garis kemiskinan.
Keselamatan rakyat
  • Menguatkuasa syarat perlindungan alam sekitar bagi mengelakkan bencana seperti tanah runtuh dan banjir.
  • Menggantikan sistem rukun tetangga dengan sistem baru yang lebih berkesan.
  • Mewujudkan pusat khidmat sehenti bagi menangani kes jenayah dan keganasan terhadap wanita.
Mengikut blog Sembang-sumbing, jumlah perbelanjaan setahun negeri Selangor adalah sebanyak RM1.2 billion yang tidak termasuk gaji. Anggaran pertambahan dari janji-janji “kumpulan parti” ini boleh mencapai hampir RM1 billion. Untuk memenuhi janji-janji ini, ia memerlukan pertambahan perbelanjaan tahunan hampir 100%.

Kerajaan sebelum ini berjaya memulihkan syarikat-syarikat milik kerajaan negeri dari kecuaian pengurusan zaman Menteri Besar Tan Sri Muhammad Muhamamd Taib. Syarikat-syarikat ini sudah dapat dipulih keuntungannya dan tahap rizab sudah mencapai RM1 billion. Proses mengeluarkan rizab sebagai dividen tidak mudah. Disamping itu, rizab syarikat adalah untuk penggunaan masa depan syarikat dan bukan untuk menampung perbelanjaan operasi tahunan negeri.

Yang lebih penting, Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim sudah menyatakan pendirian untuk memansuhkan Dasar Ekonomi Baru (DEB) dari dalam amalan pentadbirannya. Walaupun DEB sudah dimansuh pada tahun 1990 dan digantikan dengan Dasar Pembangunan Negara, mungkin apa yang dimaksudkan Tan Sri adalah tindakan afirmatif untuk membantu Bumiputera.

Walaubagaimana pun, ketiadaan polisi DEB tidak harus dijadikan alasan untuk tidak memperakui tindakan lanjutan pasca-DEB tidak lagi tertakluk di bawah Artikel Perlembagaan 153. Sebarang langkah yang ingin dilakukan seharusnya tidak bertentangan dengan pengisian dan semangat undang-undang Perlembagaan ini serta prosedur yang telah ditetapkan, termasuk yang melibatkan Majlis Raja-Raja.

Namun demikian, Tan Sri harus diberi peluang mengkotakan konsep "merakyatkan ekonomi" yang sering diperkatakan di dalam ucapan-ucapannya dan blog-blog penyokong PKR. Mungkin seorang produk DEB, seperti Tan Sri, ingin membuktikan hipotesis pemansuhan “DEB” atau semangatnya boleh melahirkan sistem yang tulus, masyarakat yang bersatu, pengagihan yang adil dari segi sosial dan pencapaian-pencapaian orang Bumiputera yang jauh lebih baik.

Muga nasib Tan Sri baik! Kami akan membantu memantau. Syaratnya jangan gagal, kerana apa yang telah dilepaskan tidak mudah untuk diperolehi balik. Jangan pula di satu hari, pentadbiran Tan Sri mengikut tabiat PM sekarang yang hanya pandai berjanji dan apabila gagal, hanya menyuruh pihak lain membantu menyalah-nyalahkan yang lepas dan menuding jari kepada pihak-pihak lain.

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Monday, March 24, 2008

Musical Interlude: The Prayer




I pray you'll be our eyes
And watch us where we go
And help us to be wise
In times when we don't know
Let this be our prayer
[As we go] our way

Lead us to a place
Guide us with your grace
to a place where we'll be safe

La luce che tu dai
I pray we'll find your light
Nel cuore resterà
And hold it in our hearts
A ricordarci che
When stars go out each night
L'eterna stella sei

Nella mia preghiera
Let this be our prayer
Quanta fede c'è
When shadows fill our day

Lead us to a place
Guide us with your grace
Give us faith so we'll be safe

Sognamo un mondo senza più violenza
Un mondo di giustizia e di speranza
Ognuno dia la mano al suo vicino
Simbolo di pace, di fraternità


La forza che ci dai
We ask that life be kind
E' il desiderio che
And watch us from above
Ognuno trovi amore
We hope each soul will find
Intorno e dentro sè
Another soul to love

Let this be our prayer
Let this be our prayer
Just like every child
Just like every child

Needs to find a place,
Guide us with your grace
Give us faith so we'll be safe

E la fede che
Hai acceso in noi
Sento che ci salverà


-- Josh Groban


May there rise a leader with the courage, intelligence and wisdom from among us to carry this nation back to the path towards greatness.

Lets all pray for us to get out of this predicament.

Amin

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Kayveas and Syed Arabi: A Time For Honest Reevaluation VI


Two Bernama report today related to analysis of the election got my attention. The first Bernama report is Kayveas's brutally frank opinion.The second is an interview with Syed Arabi.

The Kayveas report below:

March 22nd, 2008

BN Chairman, Deputy Chairman Responsible For BN's Dismal Performance - Kayveas

KOTA BAHARU, March 22 -- Barisan Nasional (BN) chairman and deputy chairman should take responsibility for the coalition's dismal performance in the March 8 general election, said PPP president Datuk M.Kayveas.

He said they had to study the reasons behind the downfall of four states which were previously held by BN and its failure to wrest Kelantan from the opposition.

Normally, the party leadership is responsible for its victory as well as its defeat, he told reporters at the wedding of a daughter of Kelantan PPP chairman Datuk Nik Sapeia Nik Yusoff here Saturday.

The marriage between Nik Sapeia's daughter, Nik Aidil Maria, 32, and Muzalman Shah Ismail Muzami, 34, was solemnised by Kelantan Menteri Besar Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat.-- BERNAMA
Will there be a disciplinary enquiry or the extreme of PPP expulsion from Barisan Nasional for Kayveas's remark?

No answer required.

If anyone can recall, Syed Arabi released a survey study prior to the recent election on the profile of voters and relevant issues. He said the issues is local and of bread and butter nature.

The news report on his study on voters swing is republished below:

March 23, 2008

What Prompted Voters To Swing This Time

By Ravichandran Paul

KUALA LUMPUR, March 22 -- The 12th General Election is over, the federal and state governments have been sworn in except for Terengganu, but what still lingers in almost everyone's mind is what prompted the voters to deny the two-third majority to the Barisan Nasional (BN), which had ruled the nation for more than 50 years.

Datuk Professor Syed Arabi Idid, Rector at the International Islamic University Malaysia and its Head of the Electoral Studies Unit, admits that the outcome, which came as a surprise to him as well, was probably part of a new voting trend.

"They did not vote for the Opposition, they just voted against the BN," he told Bernama in an interview.

Dr Syed Arabi, who has made an extensive study of the voting patterns in the country, shared with Bernama his views on what was probably on the minds of the voters and what one could expect in the new political landscape.

Q: Why was there a massive swing towards the Opposition this time

A:
The voters individually wanted to show their displeasure with the BN but they did not realise that collectively their action inadvertently denied BN of its two-third majority. Anyway, despite the (current) status quo, everyone is cool and calm, waiting to see what is going to happen. This is a stark contrast to the post-election period in 1969 when the Alliance (the predecessor to the BN) was in a somewhat similar predicament.

Q: What could have been the reasons for their displeasure

A:
A lot has been said on this, and the rising cost of living has been singled out as the most compelling reason. But there must be more than this. I see a combination of factors. The Chinese were unhappy with the state of the economy as they felt it could have been better. The Indians lamented that they have been marginalised in every sphere. So, the government decided to make some concessions for the non-Malays, and this incurred the wrath of the Malays. Therefore, the three different races went all-out against the BN for different reasons, and this explains the outcome. If the cost of living was the sole factor, than we would have seen the same impact in Sabah and Sarawak. Another factor, I believe, that incensed the Malay voters is the rally of the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) last November.

Q: But do you think current issues alone could have tipped the balance

A:
My observation is that since the 1995 general election, issues have profoundly influenced the election outcome. The 1999 general election saw the Anwar Ibrahim saga and the financial crisis swaying the votes to the Opposition and in 2004 the votes swung back to BN after Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi with his "Mr Clean" image took over the helm. Another thing that could have contributed to some extent is dissent within the BN component parties.

Q: Is the outcome a sign of political maturity of our voters; that they are willing to vote transcending racial lines

A:
Not necessarily so. But one sure thing is that the voters have changed. The general assumption that "my vote is for the BN" no longer holds true. And more are now aware that their vote counts. The attachment to BN has declined with the rise of the middle class. This is especially evident among the Malays where their bond with Umno is no longer (that) strong unlike during their parents' time. But that does not mean that they won't vote for the BN. The vote swing favouring the BN in 2004 stands testimony to this. Voters are also increasingly becoming apolitical and are voting based on issues. In a nutshell, the voters are more discerning and demanding nowadays.

Q: The Malays have taken a bold step to vote for the Opposition, knowing fully well that many of their privileges and rights could be at stake. What does this go to show

A:
Yes, they voted for the Opposition but that does not mean they have voted against their privileges and rights. Both are very much at the heart of the Malays as we have seen from their reaction in Penang when the new Chief Minister made some remarks over the New Economic Policy. I'm certain that any attempt to abolish or curtail them will see Malays opposing strongly. But now, when a threat like this crops up, the Malays (may) regret why they had rocked the boat in the first place.

Q: Do you see the Anwar and Abdullah personalities having had any bearing on the outcome of the election

A:
You made it look too simple. Anwar has his own charisma but Abdullah is the leader of a bigger setup with its influence spreading all over the nation. Naturally, Abdullah has a bigger burden to shoulder. Furthermore, Abdullah and the government were seen in (relatively) poor light over many problems like the toll concessions, which were in fact a problem inherited from the previous leadership. I don't believe their personalities made the difference but I see the BN failing to counter many of the accusations in the language that the people could understand.

Q: History has shown that the Congress party in India that fought for independence suffered a decline in support over the years. Is the same fate imminent for the BN

A:
No, I don't think so. Congress is a family dynasty unlike the BN, which is a dynamic party with evolving leaders and a great sense of accommodation. Umno, being the dominant party, has seen a change in leadership style and substance when leaders changed. The same happened with the component parties. Nevertheless, the core substance and accepted principles remain the same and this promises continuity for the nation.

Q: As the people have chosen the loose coalition of PKR-DAP-PAS to rule Selangor, Perak and Penang, do you see this coalition as a viable alternative for the BN

A:
It is difficult for me to see them as viable at this point of time as all three are at the crossroads. PAS, with its Islamic ideology, cannot see eye-to-eye with DAP's secular beliefs while PKR is holding fort by pleasing both. Neither is PKR a dominant member like Umno to lead all of them on a common platform. As there is no viable alternative platform as yet, to give up the BN and say we are going for an alternative is dangerous.

Q: Do you think the loose coalition will be able to administer the states without assistance from the federal government

A:
History has proven that Penang headed by Tun Dr Lim Chong Eu under the Opposition platform made no headway until it came into the BN fold. So did Terengganu under PAS. Therefore, the cooperation of the federal government is vital for their survival. Only Kelantan remains the exception. The fate of poor states like Kedah (now ruled by PAS), which is highly dependent on federal aid, now hangs in the balance. And states like Perak could end up in political limbo because the Menteri Besar comes from a party with the least number of seats in the coalition. However, what will be of interest is Selangor. Can the Menteri Besar, Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim, with his good credentials, prove that the coalition can rule successfully one of the richest states in the country If they succeed, then we can anticipate a permanent change in the nations political landscape. Only time will tell.

Q: As the federal government no longer enjoys a two-third majority (in the Dewan Rakyat), what can happen now

A:
The absence of a two-third majority can affect everybody. This status quo is certainly not comforting, especially when we are not used to having had such a scenario. A nation of a multiracial character needs a strong government. A simple majority should suffice to run the country as long as there is no major political upheaval.

Q: What does the future hold for the BN

A:
It is a coincidence that this significant change occurred during the 50th anniversary of nationhood, and there are many lessons to be learnt. With the (announcement of the) reform cabinet, the first phase of the healing process has started. The BN has to work even harder compared to how the Opposition worked to woo the voters. There is no place for complacency and the BN should no longer rely too much on the votes of party members. I see no problem in the BN winning back lost ground if it stays focused, taking into consideration that voters may not go along party lines. The next election could be held sooner, all depending on how fast the healing process takes. -- BERNAMA

Ah Academicians!

Hind sight experts, past extrapolators, and great on analysis typically short on recomendation.

Thats not efficient market of excellence, isn't it Prof Osman Yong? Or what ever happened to him.

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Top 10 Factors: A Time For Honest Reevaluation V

Election post-mortem: Top 10 factors

Bridget Welsh
Malaysiakini.com Mar 12, 08

Few expected that the wave of protest would snowball into the record losses for the Barisan National. My own analysis was the gains would be at maximum 70 seats and two state governments, not the record five state governments and 82 seats for the opposition.

While the ground swell of disgruntlement was there, concerns about electoral fairness and persistent patterns of ethnic voting dampened the optimism, even among the opposition. Yet, the record breaking losses for the BN have created a fundamental rupture in Malaysian politics.

Based on following the campaign and the generosity of ordinary people and political elites sharing their views, here are my top 10 reasons for the outcome:

1. Reformasi spirit lives on

The BN severely miscalculated in its assessment of the Malaysian electorate. In 2004, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi embraced the reform agenda that catapulted into the electoral agenda in the 1999 election.

The fight against corruption, increased transparency, and, most important, better governance underscored his 2004 campaign. Recall the advertisements for a more effective civil service, and the focus on building on his ‘Mr Clean’ persona.

Coupled with Abdullah's affable personal style and the groundswell of goodwill, Malaysians embraced his leadership, giving him then a record mandate. But the mandate was not just about Abdullah the man, it was also about the issues that he used to get himself and the BN elected.

The 2004 campaign was filled with promises of reform of the police to address crime and pledges to reduce corruption. Not only were these promises not fulfilled, the problems have been seen to deepen during his tenure as reform efforts were abandoned and anti-corruption efforts were selectively applied.

Many in the 2008 BN slate continued to have questions about alleged corruption, from S Samy Vellu (Maika scandal) to others close to the prime minister. These charges were not investigated, and in fact with the continued selection of candidates this round with corruption clouds, the Abdullah administration failed to show a commitment to address the problems it acknowledged in 2004.

At the core, Malaysians want - and deserve - a better government. The spirit of reform remained alive and kicked back in this election.

2. Abdullah's laissez-faire lackluster leadership

Abdullah brought about a profound transformation in liberalising the political system, allowing more voices to be heard, and graciously accepting the electoral results. In these areas, he deserves high praise.

Yet, he failed in the key area that has been the backbone of the BN's legitimacy - economic performance. The macro numbers in Malaysia are strong and the country remains one of the most competitive for investment regionally. Yet, it is falling behind in maintaining competitiveness and the economic gains are not being effectively distributed to the population.

Abdullah's administration corresponded to high inflation - the highest since the early 70s. Inequality is rising sharply and ordinary people, notably the middle-class based in the urban areas, are feeling the pinch. Even though commodity prices have brought more wealth to the rural areas, it is not keeping up with rising costs. This was brought home to me with conversations with Malay rubber tappers in Larut, Perak, who supported PAS in record numbers.

In fairness, the rising prices are the result of an appreciating ringgit, rising oil prices and high government subsidies, issues that are either out of Abdullah's control or he inherited. Yet, his economic team proved not able to manage domestic prices effectively and translate the oil and gas revenue into gains for society at large that could be felt in ordinary households.

The recent Hari Raya, Chinese New Year and Deepavali holidays were noticeably less plush than before, a real sign of fiscal difficulties. Wages have comparatively dropped and those working in the service sector make barely enough to survive. The starting take-home salary at 7-Eleven is RM700 a month. Unemployment among younger people remains too high, and not all of them can be absorbed into the civil service.

Difficult conditions are compared sharply to the wealth of the political elite, including Abdullah and his family with a reported new home in Perth. The conspicuous display of consumption of the elite is on display from the rural areas of Perak to the Kuala Lumpur shopping malls.

Beyond the bread-and-butter issues, was a more serious dynamic - the inability to instill confidence in promoting long-term economic development, increasing Malaysia's economic competitiveness. The economic vision was missing in Abdullah's first term, and the fiscal liquidity in the country was not adequately invested locally.

The economic reforms needed to bring about the changes were not pursued with the zeal to keep Malaysia ahead of countries like Vietnam. In particular, Malaysia faces the difficult task of making is domestic business entrepreneurs more competitive. This involves weaning them off a dependence on contracts. This is true for both the Malay and Chinese business communities alike.

Abdullah's administration strengthened its use of patronage, and did not send a clear message to end wasteful big projects. The new economic corridors have yet to be shown to be effective allocations of resources, rather than avenues for elite economic gain. Malaysia did not aggressively pursue trade liberalisation in a means to attract more foreign capital.

Moreover, the much-needed reforms in education, to strengthen Malaysia's human capital, were not effectively implemented, although good ideas were touted. Investors want confidence, and effective policy implementation.

Abdullah's decision-making style has yet to yield the results his 2004 mandate should have given him. The ideas were developed, but not implemented. The talent in Malaysia is there, but Abdullah was not able to effectively harness it. The BN is fooling itself if it thinks the electorate does not appreciate the larger issues that affect their children's futures.

3. BN coalition failings and infighting

Abdullah's poor management extended to the BN itself. The component parties within the BN were dismissed and ignored. Whether this involved the PGCC (Penang Global City Centre) project in Penang in which the opposition of Gerakan to the project was completely by-passed or the memorandum on Article 11 that the parties were forced to withdraw, the perception was created that voices for non-Malays in the coalition were not being heard.

Umno came across as too arrogant within the coalition. This came to a head in the Hindraf affair, when voices within the system rejected the concerns of ordinary voices and added salt to the wound by arresting the Indian Malaysian leaders. This seriously delegitimised the MIC as the voice of the Indian Malaysian community. It is not a coincidence that Devamany S Krishasamy, the MP from Cameron Highlands, who had the bravery to at least acknowledge concerns, was reelected and Samy Vellu, who justified the arrests, lost.

The issue of problematic BN management extended to the dominant party within the BN itself, Umno. Abdullah came into office without a strong political base within his party. The party rallied around him in the office of the PM, yet he continued to face dissension inside. Rumours of rifts between him and his deputy Najib Razak continued, and were denied as in fact their working relationship was overall sound in the first term.

Yet, the dissension continued to percolate, with former premier Dr Mahathir Mahathir leading the charge. The March polls were not just about national elections, they were also about positioning for the next Umno elections. In this regard, the March polls were used as a means to strengthen Abdullah and his allies positions within the party.

Mentri besars were given much more influence over the candidate slates. Popular candidates, those that hold important division chief positions within Umno, were dropped. It is no wonder the Umno machinery did not work as effectively in this election compared to the last. As one Umno elite described it, there were too many "fronts" opened this campaign to mend. The impact of Umno infighting is most obvious historically in Kelantan, but can account for losses elsewhere and reduced majorities even in safe areas such as Perlis.

The divisions within Umno were paralleled by splits within the other important component parties. For the MCA, the battle over leadership was already on the agenda before the election and the ouster of Chua Soi Lek, distancing of Chan Kong Choy and rise of Ong Ka Chuan, the brother of the party’s president have created serious ripples within the party.

The MCA knew defeat was coming, but not as serious as the outcome. They slated the least number of incumbents - 35% - due to infighting and the difficult Chinese electoral terrain. The MCA's loss in the urban areas shows that they lost both Chinese and English-educated Chinese, the latter of which have not been effectively included in Ong Ka Ting's tenure.

The MIC's crisis is well-known, as a similar dynamic over succession permeated the election, and the record number of new candidates for the MIC only served to have MIC fight itself in places like Perai in Penang. Gerakan's internal difficulties in the chief ministership issue were also on public display, although for the purposes of the election, the party maintained unity - to no avail.

4. Better messaging by the opposition

It is thus not surprising that the BN campaign lacked a coherence. In reading the messages about its record, the issues raised were disparate and lacked focus. While clearly polished posters and top printing quality, the BN content did not resonate clearly. The messages used in different states did not fit clearly under one umbrella, such as Umno's focus on it being the party of the struggle for Islam in Terengganu and Kelantan.

In fact, many of the messages belied the experience of ordinary Malaysians - end of poverty? clean police force? prices least in the region? The connection to society was missing. The tone of the campaign was one in which the voices of society were not listened to, and people were talked down to.

Many pointed to the arrogance of the BN in its campaign - highlighting the ‘One Choice’ poster as a fundamental lack of appreciation that there was another choice in this campaign, a choice that the majority of the electorate chose. The defensive posture of the BN campaign failed to offer hope to the electorate. "Be grateful for what you have" does not evoke support in a context of increased economic difficulties.

In comparison, the opposition was united in promoting one message of "change". While they differed in their priorities of what they wanted to change, they all concurred on introducing more checks and balances in the system. Each party had a common template and umbrella that allowed candidates that were unknown to build on the individual party's identity.

The message was modest in goals and a positive message. This more effective messaging allowed the opposition to reach out to new voters, and convinced many Malaysians to vote outside of ethnic lines.

5. Embracing modern campaigning: New mediums

A critical component of the opposition's stronger campaign was its more aggressive move to modern campaign techniques. While Malaysia elections continue to be labour intensive affairs, with house-to-house campaigning the norm, the use of polling of the electorate and the embrace of the Internet, blogs and SMS worked more the advantage for the opposition.

The opposition was denied balanced coverage in the mainstream media, and thus was forced to adopt new campaign techniques for greater penetration of their message. PAS was perhaps the most effective of all the opposition parties in using its website to reach out to its supporters, with its candidates profiled early on. Yet, PKR and DAP were also close behind, using email list-serves and YouTube. The uploading of ceramah allowed a wider audience to hear their message.

The BN lacked the same level of adoption of these techniques. In part, it believed that control over the media and resources would work. This is understandable. They have worked in the past. Yet, Malaysia is no longer the same place. Now 42 percent of Malaysians reportedly use the Internet, and they have access to alternative opinions.

No matter what level of control over blogging the government introduces, they cannot control cyberspace. The BN will need to adjust its campaigning methods to reach out effectively, especially to younger voters.

6. Timing of election and campaign period

The long campaign worked in favour of the opposition, not the government. This has to do in part with the cheaper means to conduct campaigns noted above - CD's, Internet and SMS are cheaper than paying campaign workers.

Yet the longer campaign period - the longest since 1969 - allowed the opposition to get its message out, to respond to the issues that the BN were raising. Instead of a blast in which the focus was on a few key messages, candidates from all parties had to adapt and change their messages as the campaign evolved.

This was most evident in Penang, where the response of outgoing chief minister Dr Koh Tsu Koon to the issue of the state's future leadership, provided fodder to the opposition during the campaign itself. The BN proved less willing to adapt as the campaign evolved.

Thirteen is clearly not Abdullah's lucky number. This election was called too early. While there is no doubt that economic pressures would have made the context difficult, the possible international recession might have given Abdullah more ability to deflect blame. As is, he alone was faced with an assessment of his economic management.

The scheduling of the elections only a few months after Hindraf and during the Chinese New Year celebrations did not help build confidence among non-Malays. Rushing the seat allocation within the coalition contributed to internal BN disgruntlement. More policies should have been implemented to address ethnic relations and more efforts to address the infighting within the coalition needed to be done before the election. The election was clearly poorly timed.

7. Opposition cooperation

The opposition is comprised of three different political parties with different political outlooks and philosophies. It is also comprised of strong personalities. After the DAP left the Barisan Alternatif in 2001, the divide between the opposition parties widened, as the ideological differences over Islamic governance split the DAP and PAS, and even had ripple effects within PKR.

Bringing the opposition together into the non-aggression pact of this election and the common umbrella was a massive effort, led by members within all the parties who recognised that national gains were not possible without cooperation.

All the parties needed cooperation to win new ground - DAP in Penang, PAS in Kedah and all the parties in Selangor and Perak. The seat negotiations were heated and difficult, but in West Malaysia successful. All the party leaders are responsible for this success. It involved moving PAS away from an openly Islamist agenda, which it adopted in the 2004 campaign, and all the parties to embrace multiracialism.

Operationally, cooperation involved joint PKR-DAP and PKR-PAS ceramah and on the ground canvassing, in which PKR and Anwar Ibrahim in particular brought parties together. For the campaign, the common goal of breaking two-thirds majority blinded the opposition to the ideological differences within itself and instilled more party discipline in all the parties.

Electorally, the opposition was seen as a viable alternative as the opposition, not individual parties.

8. Strong opposition candidates

The opposition also slated strong articulate candidates who spoke about the issues. From Nurul Izzah Anwar's discussion of housing, Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad's attention to education and Liew Chin Tong's focus on the chief ministership issue to Dr Syed Azman Syed Ahmad Nawawi's highlight of the royalty disbursement in Terengganu, the candidates in the opposition spoke concretely about concerns in their constituencies.

The opposition is now comprised of a greater number of professionals - up to over 45% - and now includes businessmen such as incoming PKR MB of Selangor Khalid Ibrahim as well as social activists such as Dr Lee Boon Chye in Perak. Those that have stayed in the opposition and joined the parties after the heyday of 1999 are deeply committed to the principles the opposition calls for. While lacking in governing experience, there is talent and many who listened to the ceramah recognised this.

This is not to say that the BN did not slate capable candidates. The share of professionals remained high - over 30% - and the parties have extraordinarily capable people. Yet, the few that are tainted by scandals spoil the chances for others. Clean politicians within the BN - and there are many hardworking representatives within the BN - are negatively affected by the image that BN governance is about gaining wealth, not public service.

This time round, even the hardest working parliamentarians such as Chew Mei Fun, could not meet the challenge of the younger dynamic slate for change.

9. Backfire from attack on Anwar Ibrahim

If there was one serious miscalculation that took place during the campaign, it was the attack on Anwar Ibrahim. Personal in nature, it was seen as unfair, especially in the Malay community.

No question, there are real concerns among many Malaysians about Anwar Ibrahim's tenure in government - from issues of education to Islamic governance. He will have to continue to build confidence in the Malaysian electorate to those who have reservations about this leadership in the opposition.

Yet, the attack on Anwar provoked a reaction, particularly among Malays. It reignited the 1999 reformasi spirit, and only served to add credibility to his influence nationally. Here, the BN served to alienate many Malays through negative campaigning, rather than convince the electorate to support its message of development.

10. Sophistication of Malaysian electorate

Finally, and it is finally (with apologies for the length of this article), the 2008 election illustrated the strengthening of Malaysian identity and growing sophistication of the electorate.

Gone are the days when resources and promises alone can woo support - except perhaps in East Malaysia. Malaysians want more responsiveness and voices, and they used this campaign to stand in the majority for change. They no longer can be talked down to, but need to be listened and heard, not just during the election.

The leadership in both the opposition and the BN will have to keep this in mind, as the terrain has fundamentally changed.


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DR BRIDGET WELSH is assistant professor in Southeast Asian studies at John Hopkins University-SAIS, Washington DC. Over the past two weeks, she has followed the campaign trail in a number of states. She can be contacted at bbwelsh@jhu.edu.

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Friday, March 21, 2008

Adakah Pak Lah Faham Tujuan Khir Toyo Letak Jawatan?


Dato Dr Khir Toyo menawarkan perletakkan jawatan sebagai Ketua Perhubongan negeri Selangor kepada Pak Lah dan diterima tanpa perbincangan. Apabila ditanyakan jika Pak Lah perlu cadangan calon-calon sebagai pengganti, dia bagai dipetik jari boleh terus memikir dan mengambil keputusan penggantinya sebagai Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib.

Adakah Pak Lah faham apa maksud disebalik keputusan Dr Khir? Apakah sudah difikirkan tindakannya itu?

Sedutan laporan Utusan Malaysia bertarikh Mac 21hb, 2008 berjodol "Berhenti menuding jari" mengenai perletakkan jawatan Dato Dr Khir Toyo disiarkan berikut:

DATUK Seri Dr. Mohamad Khir Toyo menjadi pemimpin pertama melepaskan jawatan Pengerusi Badan Perhubungan UMNO dan Barisan Nasional (BN) negeri, ekoran keputusan Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-12, yang tidak pernah dijangka sebelum ini.

Bukan mahu menjadikan keputusannya itu sebagai contoh kepada pemimpin lain kesan tsunami politik itu, namun Mohamad Khir tegas menyatakan sebagai pemimpin, beliau bertanggungjawab atas pencapaian buruk BN di Selangor.

Walaupun menafikan menerima tekanan untuk berbuat demikian, namun ada kata-kata yang diluahkan pada sidang akhbar ketika mengumumkan peletakan jawatan itu yang menimbulkan tanda tanya dan memberikan pelbagai tanggapan.

“Saya lihat ekoran prestasi buruk ini, telah ada sikap salah-menyalah antara satu sama lain,” katanya yang enggan mengulas ketika ditanya lanjut mengenai kenyataannya itu sebaliknya beliau meminta persoalan itu tidak perlu ditimbulkan buat masa ini.

Dr Khir boleh meminta tetapi permintaannya itu tidak mahu dikabulkan blogger ini. Laporon itu pun jelas bagaikan di spin untok tidak tersentoh sensitiviti Pak Lah yang hypersensitive.

Meletak Jawatan Amalan Tanggungjawab

Perletakkan jawatan disebabkan kegagalan dalam prestasi adalah suatu amalan lumrah di dalam masyarakat yang mengamalkan kepertanggungjawaban kepada ketua dan pemimpin. Prestasi negeri Selangor boleh dianggap sangat terok kerana negeri yang dianggap negeri selamat boleh berubah hingga tewas ke tangan loose coalition "Barisan Rakyat".

Barisan Nasional kini hanya tinggal 20 kerusi di dalam Dewan Perundangan Negeri (ADUN) dan 5 kerusi Parlimen. Manakala, PKR memenangi 15 ADUN dan 9 Parlimen. DAP pula menang 13 ADUN dan 4 Parlimen. Paling kurang, PAS memenangi 8 kerusi ADUN dan 4 Parlimen.

Dengan ini, Selangor telah jatuh kepada pembangkang dan Menteri Besar baru dipegang oleh Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim dari PKR. Komposisi exconya masih sedang diatur akibat stalemate antara kehendak istana dan cadangan loose coalition ini.

Keputusan Dr Khir untuk meletakkan jawatan harus dihormati kerana sudah masa negara ini mengamalkan kepertanggungjawaban di peringkat tertinggi.

Walaupun pentadbiran Dr Khir ini penuh dengan kontroversi politik, blogger ini memandang tinggi potensi kepimpinannya dari aspek keberanian dan ketegasannya dalam mentadbir. Malah diharap, dia dapat mempelajari dari kesilapan-kesilapan lepas untuk bangkit semula menjadi pemimpin yang lebih hebat.

Memahami Khir Toyo

Antara yang sering menjadi buah mulut orang adalah perubahan imej peribadi. Perubahan yang begitu ketara dari segi kosmetik boleh disalahertikan sebagai keperibadian yang vanity. Walaupun perkara ini adalah sesuatu yang peribadi dan bukan perkara pokok, persepsi yang negatif hanya menguatkan persepsi negatif lain.

Kesilapan Dr Khir sering diperbincangkan orang. Ia hanya menunjukkan ia sebagai manusia yang tidak sunyi dari kesilapan. Namun, sebarang kritikan terhadapnya harus menjawab beberapa persoalan pokok.

Selain impaknya kepada persepsi yang akhirnya menjejaskan pencapaian Barisan Nasional dalam pilihanraya, adakah perobohan kuil-kuil Hindu yang haram, pembersihan setinggan, perkara terbabit dengan alam sekitar, dan lain-lain kritikan terhadapnya sesuatu yang menyalahi polisi dan prosedur?

Adakah tuduhan rasuah dan salahguna yang dikenakan ke atasnya suatu yang jelas sahih dan terbukti atau hanya andaian?

Harus difahami dan mungkin diketahui umum bahawa kepimpinan Dr Khir menghadapi operasi cah keting besar-besaran yang berpanjangan. Bukankah kalau ada sebarang salah laku, Dr Khir pasti akan diserbu siasatan BPR, Polis dan lain-lain jabatan kuatkuasa untuk mengkeroyoknya?

Sudah merupakan rahsia yang terbuka bahawa propaganda media yang negatif bertalu-talu dihala terhadapnya oleh Tingkat 4 dan agen operatif?

Karam Singh Walla menjadi terkenal dan buah mulut orang ramai dari pendedahan demi pendedahan yang di fokuskan di Selangor. Seiring dengan ini, Pengarah Alam Sekitar negeri yang diletakkan semasa sebahagian besar pentadbirannya adalah seorang yang mempunyai reputasi yang penuh tandatanya.

Bila Yang Bertanggungjawab Akan Bertanggungjawab Pula?

Dr Khir telah mengambil tanggungjawab untuk meletakkan jawatan. Selain dari Selangor, dua lagi negeri tradisional Barisan Nasional telah jatuh kepada pembangkang ia-itu Kedah dan Perak.

Bukankah jika tawaran meletakkan jawatan Dr Khir di terima, Ketua Perhubongan untuk negeri-negeri tersebut harus melakukan yang sama? Pencapaian pentadbiran bagi kedua-kedua Ketua Perhubongan UMNO semasa menjawat Menteri Besar bagi negeri-negeri ini tidak memuaskan.

Perdana Menteri yang merangkap Presiden UMNO dan Pengerusi Barisan Nasional seharusnya mengambil tanggungjawab juga.

Tidak pernah terjadi dalam sejarah Barisan Nasional dan Perikatan kekalahan yang diterima adalah melibatkan 5 negeri baru dan Wilayah Persekutuan (5 +1). Undi popular Barisan Nasional jatuh hingga bawah 50% di tahap 48.7% di Semenanjung dan purata kebangsaan pada tahap 51.5% diperbaiki dari sumbangan negeri-negeri Malaysia Timor. Undi dan majoriti untuk Barisan Nasional di negeri-negeri yang dimenangi pun jatuh begitu terserlah.

Tuntutan mengundur oleh Dato Mukhriz itu tepat dan mempunyai justifikasi. Pak Lah dan menantu merupakan penyebab. Malah Khairy tidak menafikan realiti ini kerana mengatakan ada juga faktor-faktor lain.

Sikap Pak Lah dalam menghadapi kekalahan ini seolah-olah memekakkan diri dari menerima kenyataan. Amaran kegiatan lompat parti dari Barisan Nasional kepada PKR pun tidak diambil endah. Adakah ada persefahaman antara beliau/Khairy dan Anwar Ibrahim?

Hipokrasi Pak Lah

Satu perkara yang menjadi buah mulut orang ramai adalah meningkatkan peranan Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib di dalam kerajaan dan parti.

Mat Taib telah dinaikkan balik ke jawatan Ketua Penerangan UMNO negeri Selangor untuk menggantikan Dr Khir. Beliau baru dilantik sebagai Menteri Pembangunan Luar Bandar. Disamping itu, beliau menyandang jawatan Ketua Penerangan UMNO dan seorang Senator.

Mat Taib adalah seorang yang penoh dengan kontroversi. Semasa menyandang jawatan Menteri Besar, beliau pernah dimurkai Allahyarham Tuanku Sultan Salahuddin kerana kahwin lari dengan puterinya.

Beliau pernah terlepas dari mahkamah secara kesilapan teknik kerana tuduhan membawa masuk wang tanpa deklarasi ke dalam Australia. Alasan yang terdaya diguna hanyalah berpura-pura tidak tahu langsung bahasa Inggeris. Susulan dari itu, beliau telah disahkan bersalah oleh BPR kerana tidak membuat deklarasi akan hartanya. Semasa menyandang jawatan Menteri Besar, sesama pemaju hartanah, mereka sering berkata, "kalau hendak kelulusan, bawak dua beg."

Mengapakah seseorang yang tidak kelihatan bersih diambil kembali? Mengapakah sesorang yang tidak diletakkan bertanding diberi perana yang besar? Kalau ia bertanding di kawasan yang di rancangkan untuk bertanding, kemungkinan besar dia akan di landa tsunami untuk kalah.

Bukankah berkali-kali Pak Lah menyebut nama-nama baru perlu diketengahkan dan bukan personaliti yang jangka penggunaan sudah terlanjut?

Selagi Presiden UMNO masih tidak mahu menerima kenyataan dan masih percaya mandatnya yang hanya 8 kerusi kurang untok majoriti 2/3 itu besar dan selesa, selagi itulah nampaknya UMNO tidak mungkin dapat berubah untuk membetulkan diri.

Jangan hairan, jika satu hari nanti, peranannya adalah sebagai Ketua Pembangkang. UMNO pula akhirnya di sisirkan oleh komponen parti Barisan Nasional yang lain. Mungkin itu yang beliau dan menantunya harapkan?

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Thursday, March 20, 2008

Ku Li Sambut Suara Akar Umbi







... demi menyelamatkan Melayu dan UMNO.

Sila baca Rocky Bru di sini dan sini.

Pasquale pula dengan teori pakatan Mahathir-Ku Li-Najib di sini. Hishamuddin telah melakukan sesuatu pada masa saat penentuan terhadap kepimpinannya. Bila pula Najib?

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