Majlis Raja-Raja should declare "Surat Kuning" invalid

The strong statement against corruption expressed by Agong during the opening of the latest Parliament session and other statements by fellow brother Sultans indicate the royal institution are seriously concern about corruption.

Agong's concern is in-sync with big corruption story involving top millitary brass that is hogging the news from the expose by opposition activist Chegubard. And Agong expressed pride the millitary clean-up is happening during his reign.

In his reaction to Agong's speech, Chegubard suggested the royalty show commitment against corruption by declaring "Surat Kuning" should be entertain. 

Its an open secret that Surat Kuning is still rampantly practised. Perhaps Majlis Raja-Raja Melayu could declare all Surat Kuning as invalid 

Petronas vs Petros: When “All Is Well” Masks a Deepening Federal–State Contest

Publicly, both Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and Sarawak Premier Abang Johari Openg have been at pains to project stability and cooperation in relations between Petronas and Petroleum Sarawak Berhad (Petros). 

The official line has been consistent. Discussions are ongoing, misunderstandings will be resolved, and there is no crisis in federal–state relations. Within the oil and gas industry, however, the picture has been far less reassuring.

Industry insiders speak of tense, sometimes acrimonious meetings, strong words exchanged behind closed doors, and operational frictions that contradict the calm public narrative. Allegations have circulated — unverified but persistent — that Petronas operations in Sarawak, including facilities in Bintulu, have faced disruptions, and that work permits for Petronas personnel have been delayed or withheld. 

Whether fully accurate or not, these accounts underscore a reality that the dispute is no longer merely theoretical or political; it has begun to affect operational confidence.

Not time yet for chest thumping

Light at the End of the Tunnel — But No Victory Lap for Madani Yet

For the first time in years, Malaysia feels investable again. 

The ringgit has strengthened, foreign capital is returning—albeit cautiously—Bursa Malaysia has clawed its way past 1,700 points, and macroeconomic panic has given way to guarded optimism. 

After the political chaos of 2018–2022 and the economic trauma of Covid-19, this alone is no small achievement.

Yet it would be premature—perhaps even dangerous—for the Madani government to engage in chest-pounding. Markets may be calmer, but they are not yet convinced. 

What we are witnessing is not a ringing endorsement of Anwar Ibrahim’s reform agenda, but a conditional reprieve: confidence in stability, not yet belief in transformation.

There is light at the end of the tunnel. But the tunnel is long, narrow, and politically treacherous.

Something’s Gotta Give: Malaysia at a Political Deadlock

Using Marilyn Monroe’s unfinished film as a metaphor for a nation stuck between acts

Marilyn Monroe’s unfinished 1962 film Something’s Gotta Give has become a cultural metaphor for beautiful potential trapped in paralysis. Production stalled, tensions escalated, the old formula no longer worked, and the project collapsed before reinvention could occur. 

Malaysia’s contemporary politics feels eerily similar. The script is familiar, the actors well known, yet the plot refuses to move forward. Everyone senses that something has to give — but no one is willing to be the first to break the deadlock.

Malaysia today is not in crisis in the classical sense. The state still functions, elections occur, markets operate, and society remains broadly peaceful. 

Yet beneath the surface lies a persistent logjam: weak reform capacity, elite infighting, eroding public trust, and an economy caught between old rent-seeking structures and the demands of a more competitive, post-pandemic world. 

The political squabbles within PKR, PN, DAP, and UMNO/BN are not isolated dramas; they are symptoms of a system that has reached the limits of incrementalism.

Will Hamzah take up the mantle as saviour of Malay Politics upon his return from Mekah?

Hamzah Zainudin returns from Mekah today, and Malaysian politics pauses—briefly, dramatically, and perhaps unnecessarily—to ask a familiar question: is this the moment? 

In a political culture that has elevated airport arrivals, hospital discharges and umrah returns into moments of near-messianic anticipation, Hamzah’s homecoming is being watched like the final reel of a political thriller whose plot everyone claims to know but no one agrees on.

The speculation is simple, seductive, and dangerous: that upon his return, Hamzah will either give the green light—or slam the brakes—on a revived Muafakat Nasional, once again stitching UMNO and PAS together in the name of Malay unity, dignity, survival, or sheer desperation.

This renewed chatter is not happening in a vacuum. It is triggered by Dr Akmal Saleh’s call for UMNO to quit the Madani government—not via roof-hacking or backdoor acrobatics, but by assuming the noble posture of a “dignified opposition”. 

It is, on paper, a principled argument: UMNO cannot remain in a government allegedly crossing the 3R red lines, most notably the court’s rejection of the former Yang di-Pertuan Agong’s decree relating to Najib Razak’s sentence.

Behind that legal argument, however, sits a political truth too large to ignore: a significant segment of UMNO’s grassroots believes Najib is not merely convicted, but persecuted. Justice, to them, is no longer blind; it is selectively farsighted.

So the question is not whether Najib’s case matters—it clearly does—but whether it is a cause, or merely the latest excuse, for UMNO to escape a coalition that has become electorally radioactive among Malays.

The Big Fish are hands behind Albert Tei?

Albert Tei Scandal: Who Is He — Hero, Victim, or the System’s Fall Guy? 

Made in Malaysia, November 30 2025 

Introduction: Why the Albert Tei Scandal Won’t Go Away

The Albert Tei scandal has become one of Malaysia’s most closely watched corruption stories of 2025. 

A businessman from Selangor, previously unknown to most voters, now sits at the centre of a sprawling narrative that stretches from Sabah’s mining licences all the way to the Prime Minister’s Office. 

His story involves alleged bribes to state assemblymen, hidden-camera recordings, a powerful federal political aide, and a legal system that treats him as both whistleblower and accused. 

Some Malaysians see him as a heroic whistleblower who exposed a cosy club of politicians trading licences for cash. 

Others insist he is a willing bribe-giver who blew the whistle only after his deals collapsed. Many more suspect he is actually a fall guy: useful for politicians when they wanted money, and just as useful now as a scapegoat.

Can Malaysia’s Anwar survive ‘Sabah for Sabahans’ pushback in crucial state election?

A key issue driving Sabahans’ ire is the division of revenue collected from the resource-rich state by the federal government

Joseph Sipalan

South China Morning
12 Nov 2025

Malaysia’s election season kicks into full gear this weekend, with Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s administration forced to juggle national priorities with a push for greater autonomy in Sabah, as “Sabah for Sabahans” sentiment gains momentum in the make-or-break state.

The November 29 election in Sabah, one of two states on Malaysian Borneo, is widely seen as a gauge of Anwar’s popularity beyond his strongholds in the peninsula and a potential indicator of how well he could do in his presumed re-election bid in the next national poll that must be held by early 2028 at the latest.

Nomination day is scheduled for Saturday (last Saturday Nov 15th), when hundreds of prospective candidates are expected to hand in their papers for a shot at winning one of the 73 state seats up for grabs.

But the fight for the hearts and minds of the nearly 1.8 million voters is already well under way, as local parties distance themselves from their larger national peers in a bid to ride the surging pushback against federal control.

The latest issue driving voters’ ire against the federal government was a proposal by the attorney general to appeal against last month’s high court ruling confirming Sabah’s constitutional right to 40 per cent of federal revenue collected from the state.