When Hong Kong had no Yee Sang: A Malaysian Awakening

In the late 1990s, I was working in Hong Kong, just before the historic 1997 handover from Britain to China. Like many Malaysians abroad, I carried with me a suitcase full of assumptions — especially about food. 

After all, Hong Kong was the beating heart of Cantonese culture. If there was any place outside Malaysia that would understand our version of Chinese cuisine, surely it would be there.

One evening, friends visiting from Kuala Lumpur asked if we could order fish in belacan sauce — the kind regularly served at the old Hotel Equatorial Kuala Lumpur. The waiter looked puzzled. We tried to explain: sambal, shrimp paste, spicy, fragrant. He shook his head politely. No such dish.

It was our first gentle reminder that what we thought of as “Chinese food” was, in fact, something uniquely Malaysian.

The bigger revelation came during Chinese New Year.

Azam Baki, Velocity Capital and the Politics of Selective Outrage

The Bloomberg report alleging that Tan Sri Azam Baki owned 17.7 million shares in Velocity Capital Berhad has predictably ignited a media and political storm. Within hours, the narrative hardened: the MACC Chief Commissioner had breached a 1993 civil service circular, and therefore his integrity was in question.

But when the noise settles, a more uncomfortable question emerges: are we dealing with a clear governance breach, or another episode of selective outrage shaped by politics, timing, and institutional backlash?

Modi’s Visit to Malaysia: Strategic Stakes Beyond Local Noise

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s official visit to Malaysia should be understood as a strategic milestone rather than filtered through the prism of episodic domestic controversies. 

In a rapidly fragmenting global order, where middle powers must navigate between economic uncertainty, geopolitical rivalry, and regional security pressures, the Malaysia–India relationship has regained strategic relevance that extends well beyond day-to-day political noise.

This visit also marks a deliberate reset following a period when bilateral relations lost momentum. During Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s second premiership, ties between Kuala Lumpur and New Delhi became strained. Indian media narratives largely attributed this to Mahathir’s public criticism of India’s position on Kashmir. 

Within Malaysian corporate and diplomatic circles, however, there was a quieter interpretation—that the chill reflected accumulated elite grievances, including dissatisfaction over how the late Ananda Krishnan’s business interests were treated in India. 

Since Hannah Yeoh coward from Segambut JMB controversy, can she restructure DBKL?

Elected Mayor for Kuala Lumpur: Democracy, Power, and the Limits of Good Intentions

Few governance ideas sound as intuitively appealing as the call for an elected mayor for Kuala Lumpur. It promises democracy, accountability, transparency, and a clear line of responsibility. In a city as complex, wealthy, and influential as Kuala Lumpur, the absence of an elected city leader feels, to many, like an anachronism.

Yet good intentions are not the same as good outcomes. Before embracing the idea wholesale, it is worth examining both the promise and the pitfalls—and more importantly, whether the political actors championing this reform are equipped to deliver the deep structural changes it would require.

Political intrigue of the Sunway-IJM merger proposal

Dive into “Is There More Than Meets the Eye?” — a deep look at the IJM–Sunway deal that challenges surface assumptions and raises tough questions about market logic and hidden dynamics in Corporate Malaysia. 

While we unpack these layers, curiosity peaks as Normala Dealova’s recent Facebook buzz questions why Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad is seen out within just 22 days of hospitalisation, stirring fresh public intrigue around his recovery.

In the latest Edge Weekly publication, Jose Barrock claimed other bidders have surfaced to disrupt the chance meeting of Krishnan Tan and Jeffrey Cheah many years ago at "S" shopping complex.

So much intrigue ...

Majlis Raja-Raja should declare "Surat Kuning" invalid

The strong statement against corruption expressed by Agong during the opening of the latest Parliament session and other statements by fellow brother Sultans indicate the royal institution are seriously concern about corruption.

Agong's concern is in-sync with big corruption story involving top millitary brass that is hogging the news from the expose by opposition activist Chegubard. And Agong expressed pride the millitary clean-up is happening during his reign.

In his reaction to Agong's speech, Chegubard suggested the royalty show commitment against corruption by declaring "Surat Kuning" should be entertain. 

Its an open secret that Surat Kuning is still rampantly practised. Perhaps Majlis Raja-Raja Melayu could declare all Surat Kuning as invalid 

Petronas vs Petros: When “All Is Well” Masks a Deepening Federal–State Contest

Publicly, both Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and Sarawak Premier Abang Johari Openg have been at pains to project stability and cooperation in relations between Petronas and Petroleum Sarawak Berhad (Petros). 

The official line has been consistent. Discussions are ongoing, misunderstandings will be resolved, and there is no crisis in federal–state relations. Within the oil and gas industry, however, the picture has been far less reassuring.

Industry insiders speak of tense, sometimes acrimonious meetings, strong words exchanged behind closed doors, and operational frictions that contradict the calm public narrative. Allegations have circulated — unverified but persistent — that Petronas operations in Sarawak, including facilities in Bintulu, have faced disruptions, and that work permits for Petronas personnel have been delayed or withheld. 

Whether fully accurate or not, these accounts underscore a reality that the dispute is no longer merely theoretical or political; it has begun to affect operational confidence.

Not time yet for chest thumping

Light at the End of the Tunnel — But No Victory Lap for Madani Yet

For the first time in years, Malaysia feels investable again. 

The ringgit has strengthened, foreign capital is returning—albeit cautiously—Bursa Malaysia has clawed its way past 1,700 points, and macroeconomic panic has given way to guarded optimism. 

After the political chaos of 2018–2022 and the economic trauma of Covid-19, this alone is no small achievement.

Yet it would be premature—perhaps even dangerous—for the Madani government to engage in chest-pounding. Markets may be calmer, but they are not yet convinced. 

What we are witnessing is not a ringing endorsement of Anwar Ibrahim’s reform agenda, but a conditional reprieve: confidence in stability, not yet belief in transformation.

There is light at the end of the tunnel. But the tunnel is long, narrow, and politically treacherous.

Something’s Gotta Give: Malaysia at a Political Deadlock

Using Marilyn Monroe’s unfinished film as a metaphor for a nation stuck between acts

Marilyn Monroe’s unfinished 1962 film Something’s Gotta Give has become a cultural metaphor for beautiful potential trapped in paralysis. Production stalled, tensions escalated, the old formula no longer worked, and the project collapsed before reinvention could occur. 

Malaysia’s contemporary politics feels eerily similar. The script is familiar, the actors well known, yet the plot refuses to move forward. Everyone senses that something has to give — but no one is willing to be the first to break the deadlock.

Malaysia today is not in crisis in the classical sense. The state still functions, elections occur, markets operate, and society remains broadly peaceful. 

Yet beneath the surface lies a persistent logjam: weak reform capacity, elite infighting, eroding public trust, and an economy caught between old rent-seeking structures and the demands of a more competitive, post-pandemic world. 

The political squabbles within PKR, PN, DAP, and UMNO/BN are not isolated dramas; they are symptoms of a system that has reached the limits of incrementalism.

Will Hamzah take up the mantle as saviour of Malay Politics upon his return from Mekah?

Hamzah Zainudin returns from Mekah today, and Malaysian politics pauses—briefly, dramatically, and perhaps unnecessarily—to ask a familiar question: is this the moment? 

In a political culture that has elevated airport arrivals, hospital discharges and umrah returns into moments of near-messianic anticipation, Hamzah’s homecoming is being watched like the final reel of a political thriller whose plot everyone claims to know but no one agrees on.

The speculation is simple, seductive, and dangerous: that upon his return, Hamzah will either give the green light—or slam the brakes—on a revived Muafakat Nasional, once again stitching UMNO and PAS together in the name of Malay unity, dignity, survival, or sheer desperation.

This renewed chatter is not happening in a vacuum. It is triggered by Dr Akmal Saleh’s call for UMNO to quit the Madani government—not via roof-hacking or backdoor acrobatics, but by assuming the noble posture of a “dignified opposition”. 

It is, on paper, a principled argument: UMNO cannot remain in a government allegedly crossing the 3R red lines, most notably the court’s rejection of the former Yang di-Pertuan Agong’s decree relating to Najib Razak’s sentence.

Behind that legal argument, however, sits a political truth too large to ignore: a significant segment of UMNO’s grassroots believes Najib is not merely convicted, but persecuted. Justice, to them, is no longer blind; it is selectively farsighted.

So the question is not whether Najib’s case matters—it clearly does—but whether it is a cause, or merely the latest excuse, for UMNO to escape a coalition that has become electorally radioactive among Malays.